Great challenges are faced by black women who have decided to run for Parliament and the Executive in Brazil in 2022. This is a special year, in which we celebrate the 30th anniversary of the meeting held in the Dominican Republic in which July 25th was established as the Afro-Latin and Caribbean Women’s International.
In Brazil, the date pays tribute to Tereza de Benguela, a quilombola leader who helped black and indigenous communities resist slavery in the 18th century. In our country, the 10th edition of Julho das Pretas is also celebrated — created in the context of collective actions by Odara – Instituto da Mulher Negra— and with the motto “Black Women in Power, Building Good Living!”.
The challenges posed to black women are not few, but changes in parliaments are already taking place. In the 2020 municipal elections, there was an increase of almost 700 seats occupied by black women in the Municipal Chambers and an increase of more than 2 million votes of the Brazilian people in this group; 32% more compared to the 2016 elections, according to the Marielle Franco Institute. Probably this increase in the black presence in Parliament has been provoking, on the one hand, celebrations, and, on the other, the intensification of violence.
The survey carried out by the Marielle Franco Institute with black parliamentarians, published in 2021, shows that 8 out of 10 women suffered virtual violence from misinformation or hate speech —78% suffered virtual violence, 63% moral violence, and 55% institutional violence .
Violence shows the feeling of threat in the face of proposals that have as their axis the construction of a society in which the protection and care of the environment and the defense of human rights, in particular of quilombola, indigenous, black and female populations, are connected. and have centrality, guiding other perspectives of development.
But it is not only the challenges of confronting violence that are posed for parliamentarians. Daniela Rezende, in a robust study published by IPEA (Institute of Applied Economic Research) in 2020, draws attention to the importance of women occupying party leadership spaces in the Chamber of Deputies.
It is based on a survey conducted between 1995 and 2015, which shows the low number of female legislators nominated for party leadership. This number ranged from 0 to 2 in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate each year. Considering the aggregated data for the entire period, these women occupied party leadership only on 12 and 13 occasions in the Chamber and Senate, respectively.
Parties are fundamental structures in the distribution of legislative and electoral resources and play a decisive role in increasing the presence of women in spaces of power and decision-making.
Rezende brings studies that reveal that the emphasis of women in party leadership increases the number of candidates and elected. With more women in its internal structure, the chances of adopting affirmative action also increase.
Party leaders can influence the representation of women in public policy making. The study highlights that the greater the number of women on party executive committees, the greater the chances that issues related to social justice will be included.
Rezende also emphasizes that the leaders can take the floor, guide the vote of their party’s bench and create conditions to participate in the definition of the agenda of the Legislative House. In other words, among so many challenges that must be faced by women and that are intensified for black, indigenous and quilombola women, there is the need to understand and appropriate the way in which the Legislative Houses work in order to transform them.
This mode of functioning has made it difficult for the Legislative Houses to fulfill their role of protecting our institutions, strengthening Brazilian democracy and being guided by our Constitution.
The task is great, but, acting collectively, as we have been doing in so many collectives across the country, changes will occur. Path of no return.
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