Opinion – Michael França: Elites and legalized corruption

Corruption is a broad concept, and is usually thought of as a set of practices aimed at using public money for the purpose of generating private gains for individuals and, eventually, their families.

It is also a term commonly used to define the illegitimate use of public power with the aim of self-favoring. However, looking only at what is done within the limits of the law is a somewhat limited way of looking at reality.

What is right or wrong is usually a function of the will of the most influential sectors of society, which, ultimately, tend to define the laws and shape the functioning of the State in order to meet their own interests.

A series of conventions that were historically institutionalized by the most prominent groups lead to a wide range of advantages, usually undue, but within the law, only for a small portion of the population.

The institutional apparatus, which should be a means of orchestrating social balance, generating equal opportunities for development and governing progress, also contributes to maintaining the ownership of public power by elites.

When we consider legalized corruption, the Brazilian scenario becomes even more emblematic. Our political system is corrupted. Over time, inequality reinforces the concentration of influence and leads to the deepening of the subversion of social justice. There is no lack of examples here of groups that live in a kind of symbiosis with the State.

It is not by chance that the supply of many better quality public goods is located in richer regions of urban spaces. In turn, it is possible to create several other means of favoring certain groups in the use of public money.

Public universities, for example, were for much of our history a space dominated by elites. Despite recent advances in student representation, the same cannot be said for its faculty.

In addition, we pay high salaries for some public service positions where the return to society does not reflect the cost. Regarding taxes, there is considerable difficulty in making them more progressive and, thus, imposing a greater burden on those with high incomes, who are usually the same ones who receive subsidies and cheap government credits in projects with inexpressive capacity to generate income. value to society.

The low taxation of inheritances is just another example of the hypocrisy of an elite that claims to be worthy of what it has, despite the fact that a considerable part of its heritage represents only the legacy of the work of third parties and, not rarely, obtained through some collusion. with the public power.

There is a moral inability on the part of many citizens to commit to the common good and a high predisposition to use the state for significant private advantage. The inability to go beyond commonplace practices aimed at increasing personal gratification seems to be one of the hallmarks of our elites.

Despite this, we have made some progress. The children of the porters left the universities and began to compete for space with the children of the elite. The most disadvantaged had a gain in purchasing power. The maids began to take the same plane as the mistress.

Interestingly, in the same period, elites took to the streets to protest against systemic corruption. They chose a target and contributed to elect a president who, in addition to being corrupt, is one of the stupidest in our history.

In the end, the question remains: was the alleged indignation with corruption real or just a pretext to regain some privileges?

The text is a tribute to the song “Nos barracos da cidade”, composed by Gilberto Gil and Liminha, performed by Gilberto Gil.