Opinion – Vinicius Torres Freire: For democracy, it is necessary to debolsonize Brazil

The fate of democracy also depends on a process of debolsonarization. Bolsonarism has several aspects, but this is about its political-institutional front. That is, to put an end to the project of undermining or suppressing the republic (free elections, separation and autonomy of Powers, civil and political rights).

Bolsonarism is also a fanatical, messianic sect, often adept at political violence. It is a reactionary sociocultural resentment (male chauvinists and general enemies of human diversity, aversion to rational public debate and the institutions of science, etc.).

It is also a way in which certain social groups seek to gain more power: religious and military party leaders, “liberal” businessmen, the agro ogre. It is a means for criminal groups to take root politically (garimpeiros, land grabbers, deforesters, militias, exterminators of indigenous peoples and popular leaders); means of suppressing social movements.

It is easy to see that not every Jair Bolsonaro voter is a Bolsonarist.

Bolsonarisms seemed to be useful instruments for elite power projects in general, which normalized the monster since 2017. From 2020, especially in August 2022, the more civilized elite woke up. It was little and late.

Of more practical interest, debolsonarization means the end of tolerance with the coup project. It seems banal. But one reason for the Sunday uprising or the risk of something worse was the unnoticed or self-serving acceptance of the subversive campaign.

There was no impeachment process against Bolsonaro or punishment for his generals. Almost no scammers were prosecuted, aside from minor figures or caricatures. The negligence of the Attorney General’s Office went unpunished — there is still time to submit Augusto Aras and collaborators to impeachment. The judicial containment of subversion occurs through gambiarras in the Supreme Court.

Tolerance for the subversive project encouraged adherence to the cause and institutional infiltration. The Federal District police is just one example, now more than scandalous.

No action was taken regarding political interventions by the Armed Forces. Officers participated in Sunday’s attacks. Many advertise the coup on social networks. It is necessary to put an end, with heavy punishment, to any military demonstration about politics.

Entrepreneurs have financed authoritarian rallies for years. Until the day before yesterday, exponents of the liberal institutes’ business community encouraged coup-acting gatherings at the barracks door, now terrorists. Leaders of professional elite class entities supported the riot.

In summary, it is necessary to establish that the propaganda of political violence is a constitutional crime, so to speak, with heavy penalties. It was never like that, and therefore we have come to this point.

Laws, investigation and surveillance institutions, military organizations, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, everything must be reviewed in order to contain the subversive project, with special attention to armed personnel or those with an institutional position of importance. It goes for political violence of any ideological color, today yellow, tomorrow who knows what.

Democracy depends on much more than debolsonarization (it even depends on social and economic stability and reform of the repulsive party system). It is insufficient to condemn those immediately responsible for Sunday’s uprising. The most outrageously obvious negligence has to be dealt with: being a scammer costs next to nothing.

Manifestoes, repudiations or symbolic meetings of Republic authorities are not enough. We need deep institutional reform. Who will take it forward is the problem.