Opinion – Vinicius Torres Freire: Bolsonaro outsources government and his offspring organize right in Congress

A decree by Jair Bolsonaro gave Ciro Nogueira powers to arbitrate and decide legal conflicts between ministers. Nogueira is minister of the Civil House, senator and licensed president of the PP, cardinal of the center and regent of the government. In January, another decree had given him powers over initially small changes to the Budget, but which protected Paulo Guedes.

These are minor and official signs that Bolsonaro outsourced the government he never took over – in a less abnormal country, they would be administrative squabbles. But Nogueira has gained powers since he became a minister in August 2021, forming the informal diarchy he commands with Arthur Lira (PP-AL), president of the Chamber.

Nogueira, Lira and the gang played Bolsa Família fattened, Auxílio Brasil, put Guedes in the corner, decided what was left of the budget free money, kicked the dick of the spending ceiling and now tried to reduce taxes en masse in order to make demagogy with the price of fuels.

It was the command of the center that gave Bolsonaro a boost, at the height of the coup campaign, on September 7. Since then, he has sought to prevent Bolsonaro from saying an excess of atrocities, so that he spends less time on the negative news. They even tried to get Bolsonaro to say something in favor of vaccines. Even the sonocracy grew a little quieter.

It’s a kind of physiological enlightenment from the dark age, 2019-2022, to put it sarcastically.

The pieces that were the Bolsonarista economic program were crushed by the epidemic. Under the center, they turned to dust. The scheme served to alleviate conflicts with the Supreme Court, to stifle the idea of ​​impeachment once and for all and politically and financially support (re-elect) part of the central bench. In this cohabitation, Bolsonaro did not carry out his projects of tyranny, but maintained the powers to preach “against the system”, propagandize ignorance, savagery and reaction.

Despite being even more diminished, as if it were possible, Bolsonaro or the wave that took him to power gave birth to offspring, bastards, branches and variants that organize the party right. The political system is in disarray, evident in the frantic attempt to piece together the puzzle of alliances and federations. The fact that the favorite candidate, Lula (PT), until yesterday was the victim of hateful ostracism and that Bolsonaro, “incubete”, was rejected by two-thirds of the electorate makes assembly difficult. But something gets organized.

There is an extreme right-wing party, Bolsonaro’s PL, the national monthly, which until April may have around 60 deputies (the largest party in the legislature was the PSL, with 55). There is an extreme right-wing party, União Brasil, made up of the remnants of the PSL that left Bolsonaro, and of the ruling DEM today or tomorrow, which may have more than 60 deputies, at the end of the migrations. There is Sérgio Moro’s party, sometimes on the extreme right, but which can trip the ex-judge to hang on to whoever stands to win (11 deputies). There is a far-right Bolsonarista satellite, the PSC-PTB block (22 deputies).

Bolsonaro is not able, due to “cognitive limits”, because he is “anti-system” and unpopular, to even comb the electoral politics of 2022. Bolsonaro’s party fragmentation and ineptitude make the compositions look like a dance of pieces of gelatin. colored in a bowl.

But the shards of Bolsonarism and the pure physiological ones are allied with extremist parties in their negotiable and reactionary impudence, now almost a third of Congress.

The government is a headless mule, but with a monster that was able to head a reactionary movement that has not been seen in Congress for over 40 years.