By Gifts Antoniou

Questions about how realistic Athens’ expectation is to enable Libya approach channels, cooperation to tackle migratory flows and resume the negotiation process to determine marine zones is caused by the persistent attitude of the Libyan authorities Sovereign rights and the influence of not only Crete but also other islands, even points of mainland Greece.

Athens consistently rejects the positions the Tripoli government is put forward by the verbal intercourse in the UN, and also consistently pointed out that they do not produce any results. “Libyan’s verbal decoration in the UN does not add anything to, already well -known and millennial, you will allow me arguments. And expresses the standing positions of Libya, a divided state. However, as I said before, it has no imprint, it does not work. Not all of this is recognized by anyone. It is, as is the invalid and non -existent Turkolibyan Memorandum, which some have been trying to “upgrade” to our country as a development lately, while in fact it is an invalid memorandum that no one has recognized, no effect has produced and has nothing to do with us. “ The government spokesman, Pavlos Marinakis, said yesterday.

Tripoli’s moves are in full harmony with the positions and claims that Ankara puts forward at the expense of Greek sovereign rights. In the given juncture, Libya appears to come forward and set that non -existent claims that come from the Turkishin a mobility that is neither autonomous nor accidental.

The Greek side’s response that as soon as the Turkish Memorandum is not recognized by any international organization, any claims based on it do not produce results is typically correct. The question, however, is whether in the environment shaped by the attitude on the Libyan side, expectations to strengthen cooperation can be realistic.

A few days ago the Foreign Minister, George Gerapetritisvisited Tripoli – a visit to Benghazi had been preceded – and a good climate was broadcast on the contacts he had there, while referring to “Readiness to Greece and Libya, as states with the right coasts, to discuss EEZ delineation in the near future”. However, there was nothing more specific about the time that the conversations could restart or the context on which the discussion would take place. Is it still alive the framework that had been put in place before stopping the debate on the definition of maritime zones in 2010? The question is anything but theoretical because it mediated the Turkishwhich the Libyan side receives as a basis for promotion of objections to the United Nations against our country.

Another question is whether these moves are ultimately borne by the climate between the two sides, especially when Athens looks forward to cooperation with the Libyan authorities to effectively address migratory flows, which seems to be used as a lever of pressure not only to our country, but in the whole of the EU.

And, of course, in practice it will be seen whether the Libyan side’s mobility and objections will leave the prospect of hydrocarbon research investigations unaffected in the ‘Land’ south of Crete.

In summary, the crucial question of the practice adopted by the Libyan side is If the verbal intercourse that do not produce any effect at institutional level in terms of the importance they have in decision -making by international organizations, proved to affect the data in the field.