Emilia Schneider, 25, thought she had joined a club that didn’t want her as a member. However, Chile’s first trans deputy was surprised by the first few months of her term, during which she says she found an environment of respect in the corridors of Congress and in society.
This, perhaps, is part of what she describes as a shift in Chile, which remains conservative but sees a progressivism flourish that, she says, was largely driven by the student movement.
There is still the historical ingredient. Emilia is the great-granddaughter of General René Schneider, murdered in 1970, years before the coup that overthrew the socialist Salvador Allende, for opposing the anti-democratic attempts of the Armed Forces. she spoke to Sheet in a hotel in São Paulo, where he is to participate, this Saturday (9), in the event Virada ODS, which discusses the Sustainable Development Goals.
Did your family history influence your decision to enter politics? It didn’t have much influence, because what motivated me the most were phenomena of my generation, such as the student and feminist movements. But it influenced the way I looked at the country and our history. My great-grandfather was murdered in a context in which an important part of the country’s Armed Forces was organizing a coup, and this gave me a perspective on the horrors of dictatorship, the importance of democracy and human rights.
How is this period in history related to your generation? The dictatorships in Latin America were not casualties, but an articulation to stop transformation processes. It is important to remember the yearnings for change that exist and to understand that what the ultra-right offers us today as a way out is nothing more than a recipe we already know: authoritarianism, ultraconservatism and denial of rights.
Boric has low approval ratings, 33% according to the latest polls. To what do you attribute this? It has been difficult to install a government of transformation, especially because we are governing with a population that sees institutions very far from their needs. Our society is also very fragmented. In Congress, there are no majorities. If we do not take the lead in organizing social actors, it will be very difficult to move forward and fight the population’s discontent with politics.
Surveys also show that more than half of the population says they reject the text of the new Constitution. Do you think it is possible to change these numbers until September, when he will be voted on? We have to make the content reach the population without lies. Today, the Charter that we have, from the time of the dictatorship, despite all the reforms that have already been carried out, prevents democracy from working, because we have a straitjacket. The new Constitution will allow democracy to express itself. The parties that said no to the dictatorship in the late 1990s are now in favor of the new Charter. And the parties that voted to maintain the dictatorship today deny the new Constitution. I think that says a lot about what’s at stake.
There is an article in the proposal that talks about the right to sex education. Can you explain to us what it would be like in practice? These are measures so that, throughout our training cycle, we have information about sexuality, reproduction, body and identity. This has different benefits, such as allowing boys and girls to know the limits and rights over their bodies, to prevent child abuse and so that they do not grow up discriminating against sexual orientations or different gender identities, in addition to preventing the transmission of STIs and pregnancy in the adolescence.
There is also an article to guarantee the right to abortion. But even if the Constitution is passed, Congress will have to legislate it. What is the challenge of approving such a matter in a country and a Congress that are still conservative? Chile has a conservative society, but it has changed a lot in recent years. There have been many lies from the right and the far right, such as that this would allow for an abortion at nine months of pregnancy. A miscarriage at nine months is childbirth. Having a new Constitution will facilitate this discussion in Congress, because we will have to comply with it and reach a great deal.
Institutional politics can be violent towards women and the LGBTQIA+ population. How has your experience been? I have felt very well received by the population, and we have a bench from the LGBTQIA+ community, for the first time, with four women representing the community. But, yes, I have come across a hate agenda driven by the far right. But the workers and servants of Congress are very good people. I have also been surprised by the slowness of the legislative processes in our country and I believe that this could change with the new Constitution.
What are the main banners of the LGBTQIA+ movement in Chile? The first is how to combat hate crimes and ensure the safety of people of sexual and gender diversity in public spaces. Also access to basic rights, such as health, education and decent work. Another challenge is how we repair the older LGBTQIA+ generations, who did not enjoy the few rights that mine has enjoyed and who today are in brutal abandonment.
Do you have references from Brazil? Yup. Marielle Franco, a very important figure, not only for her brutal murder, but for the legacy of fighting for black and lesbian women and the left. Also former President Lula, who lifted many people out of poverty and had important policies for access to education. Hopefully soon they will have a national deputy who represents the trans community.
How important are Brazil’s elections this year for the region? A Bolsonaro victory would be another gesture towards the conservative advance, which must be stopped. He has been a harmful leadership for the region, when we need to have a united voice to the world and say “ok, enough of the abuse”.
X-ray | Emilia Schneider, 25
A deputy in Chile elected in 2021 by the left-wing Comunes party, she was one of the protagonists of the feminist protests in 2018 and chaired the Federation of Students of the University of Chile (FECh).
