Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva named 21 of his 37 likely ministers. For the time being, it is a ministry dominated by PT, allies, fellow travelers and people representing social movements, blacks in particular. From now on, they are the ones (few of them): comes the bargain with the centrão and Congress.
It is a ministry of very experienced people, who have held important executive positions. It will be the most diverse in history, but not much there. Women might head a quarter of portfolios or a tico more, for example.
It is a markedly northeastern government. Although it is unfair and ignorant to throw the people of the region into this generic basket, the adjective has, in context, political meaning. Lula owed his election to the large majorities he had in the Northeast, which has had many leftist governors. Furthermore, the office is largely from São Paulo.
Of the confirmed names, seven are former governors. Fernando Haddad, former mayor of São Paulo, joins this number of seven because the city of São Paulo is the third largest government in the country. It is only behind the Executive of the Republic and the state.
The cabinet may have at least one more governor, as Renan Filho, from Alagoas, must have a ministry in the “quota” of the MDB-Renan Calheiros.
There are five former ministers, all from PT governments, including José Múcio Monteiro (Defense). Speaking of him, Múcio is one of the few figures, besides Geraldo Alckmin (Development, Industry and Commerce) and Márcio França (Ports and Airports), who are not on the left. França and Alckmin are from the PSB, which brings together former Toucans, former Psolists and much more. There are four names that have already occupied positions of secretary in PT governments (second level, below minister) and ministers in other positions.
The Ministry of Health escaped the hand of the center and stayed with Nísia Trindade. She was president of Fiocruz, which, in terms of issues and importance, is like a ministry, although without the size and practical complexity of Health.
Education stayed with Camilo Santana (PT) and Izolda Cela, who governed Ceará, a state with few material resources that has shown how to use its head to improve teaching.
So far, “national unity” is lacking. Lula 3 placed Alckmin in the Mdic, alone, which, by the way, does not say a good thing about the government’s ability to add other economic cadres that are very far from the left. But Lula’s “national union” began and practically ended with Alckmin.
What will come from the center and Congress should not mean greater dialogue with that part of society that joined Lula against the reelection of the darkness. It is the known bargain to give political-parliamentary stability to the government.
Simone Tebet (MDB “solo flight”) does not have a position yet. She is an emblematic figure. She was a candidate with no chances, ignored by her party and who, in the end, had few votes, but who showed the political capacity to be bigger than all that and to change her biography.
He gathered around himself what was left of the cadres of the old PSDB and of new toucans “in spirit”, especially in the economic area (which has already distanced itself from Lula 3 and is pessimistic with the government). It is also a link with the most civilized elites in the country.
It also remains to be seen what will become of Marina Silva (Rede), another bridge with civilized elites (not just economic) and with the rest of the world. A strong environmental program, with economic and technological ramifications, is a possible avenue for success for Lula 3. If Marina Silva and the cadres who developed environmental institutions in the PT governments are not relevant (without prejudice to adding new people), Lula and the country will have a serious problem.
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