The new escalation of the pandemic dominates the political agenda of Germany as well. When our minds are free again for other things, Germany will have a new government. This government will talk about innovation and a fresh start. After 16 years of Angela Merkel’s “monarchy”, this is not surprising. Those who expect a political revolution in the heart of Europe after the elections will soon be disappointed. Germany is a big and rich country. Prosperity explains its structural conservatism. If the new government seems determined to bring about change, it is mainly by arguing that innovation is necessary to ensure this prosperity.
This is not the time for tough fiscal policy
The fight against climate change is a priority to which all parties agree. In this, Germany wants to be Europe’s pacemaker – with smaller countries following suit. Radical breakthroughs in fiscal and foreign policy are unlikely. This is shown by the reading of the 177 pages of the program agreement of the coalition government for the next four years. Fiscal policy is at the heart of much of the debate. The appointment of Christian Lindner as finance minister marks a major success for the Liberal Party and the idea of ​​a prudent fiscal policy. But the times are not right for a return to harsh austerity. It is hampered by the dramatic effects of the pandemic and the investment needed to tackle climate change.
The first signs of programmatic … flexibility in this issue are seen even before the new ministers take office. Compromise is a key factor in German political culture. From now on, three parties with different ideologies must agree on the central issues. The last word will be given by Chancellor Olaf Soltz, who worked with Angela Merkel as Vice Chancellor for a long time. He represents political continuity in Berlin better than anyone else. Of course, there will be new “touches”. We will also see differences in foreign policy, where the style of communication is expected to be tougher in relations with China, Russia and Turkey. However, a rift with authoritarian governments – and Erdogan’s Turkey – will not be the goal of the Greens’ new foreign minister.
How consistent will the Greens be with the occupation loan?
In the election campaign, the Greens had called for a ban on the export of modern submarines to Ankara. There is no reference to the government program. Instead, the new government has generally announced that it will pass a law restricting arms exports. A similar “inconsistency” is found in the announcement of the Greens that they will put on the agenda of German politics the issue of Nazi crimes in Greece during World War II. As a sign of goodwill, Germany should make concrete proposals on the repayment of the occupation loan and individual compensation, the ecological party demanded from the opposition seats – before the elections.
But after the elections, one is looking in vain for specific references to the government’s announcements for the next four years. There we read that the new government will promote the “culture of memory” and will fund a center for documenting the crimes of the German occupation. That’s something too, one might say. However, he is far from the generous philhellenic statements before the elections. The election announcements now meet Realpolitik. This also applies to Greek-German relations. The sooner we get used to it the better.
Ronald Maynardus
Dr. Ronald Maynardus is a Political Analyst, Commentator and Lead Researcher at ELIAMEP. In the mid-1990s he was the director of the Greek editorial board of Deutsche Welle.
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