With the perception that foreign policy will play a central role in the third term of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), as of January, the Itamaraty has become one of the most coveted posts in the administration that is now dedicated to the transition of government.
Foreign Affairs was never exactly coveted, since, in relation to other ministries, the portfolio has little money and offers less visibility for those who plan to contest elections. Lula, however, who invested in presidential diplomacy in his first terms, has already said he wants to rebuild Brazil’s image in the world after years of ostracism under Jair Bolsonaro (PL). With this, the head of Itamaraty must have a close relationship with the Chief Executive and have a prominent role in the future government.
The name of former Education Minister Fernando Haddad has gained traction on the betting exchange in recent days. He faces competition from Aloizio Mercadante, who has already made clear his desire to be chancellor.
Former head of the Civil House, Education and Science in PT governments, the politician was worn out after the Dilma Rousseff administration, but he rehabilitated himself by leading Lula’s government program in the campaign and today he works as technical coordinator of the transition team.
His personality seen as disruptive, however, is considered an obstacle by those involved in the discussion. According to one of these people, having Mercadante in international negotiations would be like putting an elephant in a china shop.
Haddad, who was defeated in the race for the Government of São Paulo, but with the largest vote in the history of a PT candidate for office, has support from part of civil society and Lula’s interlocutors. He will be part of the entourage of the president-elect to Egypt, for COP27, next week. The UN climate summit is seen as part of Brazil’s return to the international scenario targeted by Lula, with the reconstruction of environmental policy as a guideline.
The name of Senator Jaques Wagner (PT-BA), former Minister of Defense, has also been mentioned, but with less emphasis.
This whole arrangement depends on Celso Amorim’s decision whether or not to lead the Itamaraty again — he will have the final word, alongside Lula, and he does not rule out the possibility of returning to office if the president-elect so requests. The former minister, however, has expressed a desire to act as an international advisor to the Presidency, with a career diplomat heading the portfolio.
The preferred name in this scenario is Mauro Vieira. Part of the PT appreciates what it sees as the loyalty of the former chancellor (Dilma administration), who visited the Lula Institute and kept in touch with interlocutors of the former president when the PT was in prison. Vieira, now ambassador to Croatia, was recently in São Paulo for talks.
There is, however, a desire to increase diversity in Itamaraty’s leadership, which puts two women in the running. They are Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti, who was Brazil’s representative at the UN and chief of staff to Secretary-General António Guterres, and Maria Laura da Rocha, current ambassador to Romania — the diplomat, who was Amorim’s chief of staff, is black, another factor considered in the effort for representation.
If the chancellor is finally a man, women will certainly occupy the general secretary (number 2 in the hierarchy) and other leadership positions.
Lula’s foreign policy must have two more urgent objectives: rebuilding relations with South American countries and boosting environmental soft power.
The first point involves the resurrection of Unasur or the return of Brazil to CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States), and reorganizing Mercosur, in a realignment with Argentina and contrary to flexibility or the possibility of individual negotiations, is considered urgent.
Joining the OECD and having this “seal of quality” for investors should no longer be a core priority. The process of accession to the so-called club of rich countries, accelerated under the Michel Temer government (MDB), had advanced under Bolsonaro, but had met with opposition from some members due to setbacks in the fight against corruption and the disastrous environmental policy of the current president.
It is also expected that the votes at the UN will return to the tradition of pre-Bolsonaro diplomacy, with support for resolutions critical of Israel and against the US embargo on Cuba. Brazil will still no longer align itself with Hungary and Poland, rescuing positions in defense of human rights and minorities.
Amorim and diplomat Audo Faleiro, who is leading the transition, have said that there will be no witch hunt against Bolsonaristas in Itamaraty. Under Ernesto Araújo, diplomats who did not share an “anti-globalist” and far-right ideology ended up sidelined.
Faleiro himself ended up in the so-called “Department of Stairs and Corridors” after failing to pass the Planalto Palace filter, having worked with international advisor Marco Aurélio Garcia in the PT governments. Appointed head of the Western Europe Division in 2019, he was exonerated days later.
In the new Lula government, however, diplomats who were “exiled” outside the ministry must be rehabilitated, such as Everton Vargas, a specialist in the environment who is now the coordinator of International Relations in the Government of Pará, and Ricardo Neiva Tavares, former spokesperson for the Amorim administration and currently chief advisor for International Relations at the STF.
Other changes are also inevitable. Nestor Forster, closely identified with Olavo de Carvalho and Bolsonarism, should not remain at the American Embassy in Washington. For Buenos Aires, the Bolsonaro government tried to win the nomination of Hélio Vitor Ramos Filho at 45 minutes into the second half – but the Senate hearing was suspended, anticipating that the new government would not keep the choice in a representation seen as one of the most important.
The most Bolsonarist ambassadors should not be rewarded for their ideological fervor either. Luís Fernando Serra (Paris), who publicly criticized Lula, is now removed and will retire. Pompeu Andreucci (Quito) defended Bolsonaro from criticism in newspaper articles. Maria Nazareth Farani Azevêdo, aka Lelé (consul in New York), even clashed with former deputy Jean Wyllys at the UN Human Rights Council to defend the government.
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