Hosting the World Cup represents the biggest step for Qatar in the attempt to consolidate a diversified foreign policy, projecting the small Gulf country globally to put it on the path of becoming a geopolitical power in the region, even in a scenario considered adverse.
Qatar has 11,500 square kilometers, half the area of Sergipe, and less than 3 million inhabitants, similar to Mato Grosso do Sul. Geographically, it faces limitations due to the only land border being with Saudi Arabia — but the country managed to gain importance to the point of, to a certain extent, rivaling its neighbor.
The rise in the geopolitical chessboard results from decades of daring diplomatic strategies, allied to a public relations effort, with the purpose of not leaving the country restricted to the Saudi sphere of influence.
The project is led by the current emir, Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, in power since 2013. He continues the work of his father, Hamad bin Khalifa, who led the regime from 1995 —Qatar is an absolute monarchy in which the emir concentrates all power.
The country has good relations with NATO powers, hosting US and Turkish military bases, while at the same time dialoguing with Iran, a rival of the Americans, and fundamentalist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Taliban, which even have a representation in Doha — which has led to accusations that the regime supports extremists, including the Islamic State and al-Qaeda.
Active and diversified, this foreign policy aims to guarantee security and avoid political isolation due to its size and territorial position, says Danny Zahreddine, a Lebanese researcher and professor of international relations at PUC Minas.
“Saudi Arabia, a great power, expected all other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council to [organização econômica da qual o Qatar faz parte] a relationship of quasi guardianship”, he explains. “The policies of Riyadh, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain are convergent; Qatar disagrees because it feels that the diversification of foreign policy creates more security.”
This apparently dubious Qatari position is also considered strategic for Washington, which uses the country as a bridge for dialogue with rival groups and discussions of sensitive issues in the region. On the other hand, the price was exacted in the form of friction with the Saudis.
It was in an attempt to get closer to Riyadh that Doha, in 2015, began to reinforce the military coalition led by its neighbors that operated in Yemen with the aim of preventing the advance of the Houthi rebel group, supported by Iran and that participated in the overthrow of the local government.
Three years later, however, the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Qatar soured, with the current host of the Cup expelled from the alliance. Al-Thani was accused of making statements in support of terrorist groups – which Qatari authorities deny, pointing out that the Saudis took into account fake news released in a hacking action at the Qatar News Agency, the country’s state agency.
The rupture was followed by other countries, such as Egypt, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, in an attempt to isolate Qatar. Doha managed to circumvent the effects of diplomatic, trade and travel embargoes thanks to the relationships built over the last few decades, according to Zahreddine. During the blockade period, Turkey and Iran were some of the nations that provided supplies.
With the failure of the attempt to asphyxiate Qatar, the action of diplomacy caused sanctions to be suspended and relations resumed. The reopening was mediated by former US President Donald Trump – the Republican concentrated efforts on seeking agreements in the region to bring Arab countries closer to Israel and, thus, further isolate Iran.
A symbolic act of rapprochement took place on Tuesday (22nd), when the Qatari emir placed a Saudi Arabian flag on his shoulders to commemorate the country’s historic victory over Argentina.
If foreign relations are complex, internally relative stability comes at the expense of hereditary absolutism, with restrictions on democratic activity. Observers point to systematic violations of human rights and suppression of civil liberties, especially for women and LGBTQIA+ groups—homosexuality is punishable by arrest.
The demonstration of strength in relation to FIFA, in the ban on the sale of alcoholic beverages during World Cup matches, was a reminder of the weight that sharia, Islamic law, has in the country. Accusations of negligence, poor pay and labor abuse against workers who worked on the stadium works raised the alarm about inequality.
This despite the fact that the country sells itself as cosmopolitan and with a high level of income. According to the World Bank, the GDP per capita is US$ 61.2 thousand (R$ 327.4 thousand), one of the highest in the world; in Brazil, it is US$ 7,518 (R$ 40.2 thousand).
Rich in oil, Qatar has increased investments in the production of liquefied natural gas in recent years — condensed, the product is transported on ships, eliminating the need for pipelines. The country benefits from the fact that gas from the Middle East is increasingly coveted due to the energy crisis that hits Europe after the reduction in Russian supplies in the context of the Ukraine War.
Not only. On the 21st, China and Qatar announced a 27-year agreement to bring gas from the Middle East to the Asian giant. Part of the profits is invested in soft power actions, according to Monique Sochaczewski, a specialist in the Middle East and professor at the IDP (Brazilian Institute of Education, Development and Research).
Doha invests in stadiums and European football teams, such as French PSG, owned by Neymar. It holds shares with famous brands and luxury hotels. It pours resources into infrastructure and education around the world.
In the USA alone, the Qatar Investment Authority, the country’s sovereign fund, invested more than US$ 30 billion (R$ 160.5 billion), more than half of it in the real estate and infrastructure sectors, according to the US State Department —the figure should reach US$ 45 billion (R$ 240.7 billion) with actions already planned.
Even more important is Al Jazeera, created by a decree of the emir in 1996. The main news channel in the Arab world, it manages to transmit the Qatari vision to the world.
Zahreddine claims that the network’s editorial line dialogue with the West is fundamental for good acceptance. “In the case of Ukraine, the tone is much more favorable to Kiev, not a Russian or Chinese view,” she says. “But this is not seen as positive by Middle Eastern autocrats, who in some cases feel attacked.”
No wonder, during the 2017 crisis, one of the demands for the resumption of relations was the closure of Al Jazeera, which was ignored by Doha. With the World Cup, the country now achieves the greatest global projection in its history.
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