Those who observe the State of Israel from a distance or are unfamiliar with its origins are often surprised to discover that the country was founded by secular, not to say anti-religious, Jews.
Emerging in Europe at the end of the 19th century, Jewish nationalism, or “Zionism”, is the result of a process typical of modernity, which enabled new approaches to the diaspora and Jewish identity itself.
If in the traditional religious perspective, the diaspora was seen as a divine punishment that would only be reversed in the messianic era, assimilated Jews, not fully incorporated by the European states in formation, now took their destiny in their hands to return to the Land of Israel.
Jewish identity, in turn, was conceived by them as nationality: a Jew was a Jew just as a Frenchman was French. In this sense, it included multiple forms of expression. Normative religious practices resisted, as they thought, as remnants of other times, but they were doomed to disappear, with nothing to regret. The dream of the founders of the country was, therefore, that of a liberal State, simultaneously Jewish (in the national sense of the term) and democratic.
Much has changed in Israel over its nearly 75 years. And the government that takes office this Thursday (29) has a very different project. The coalition of ultra-Orthodox and far-right parties, plus Binyamin Netanyahu’s Likud, comes to power in defiance of the pillars on which Israel was created.
It was only possible thanks to a series of conjunctural factors, such as the split in the left and in the Arab parties, the refusal of the center to make agreements with a prime minister who responds to three lawsuits in Justice, and Netanyahu’s attempt to save his skin , even putting the rest of the country at risk.
Of course, there are the old problems. Bibi handed over the administration of territories in the West Bank and border control to the leadership of the most radical parties and has already signaled his intention to build new settlements. For the Palestinians, this only exposes a process that has been denounced for decades.
What is new is that liberal Jews have also become targets. Progressives, secular, non-Orthodox religious, feminists and LGBTQIA+ people are seen by the new government as enemies of the State and of Judaism itself.
The battle for Israel’s identity should focus on weakening the Judiciary, which remains the main stronghold of secularism and has been serving as a counterweight to discriminatory legislation.
This is the front that brings together the interests of the three coalition forces. Netanyahu wants to get rid of the lawsuits. The ultra-Orthodox want to make the state more Jewish and the extreme right more nationalist. If it works, public education must change. And even the Law of Return, which today guarantees Israeli citizenship to anyone who has at least one Jewish grandparent, can be restricted to those who are considered Jewish by Orthodoxy, that is, children of a Jewish mother or converts.
Reactions have been taking place, either in Israeli civil society or in the US, the core of liberal Judaism and home to the largest Jewish population outside of Israel. Even in Brazil there are groups taking a stand.
In the face of events, the limits of the combination between the Jewish and democratic character of the State, commonly pointed out by the non-Jewish population of Israel, seem increasingly clear. If there is something to celebrate with the new government, it is the possibility of finally recognizing that there cannot be security, freedom and equality for some if there is no security, freedom and equality for all.
With a wealth of experience honed over 4+ years in journalism, I bring a seasoned voice to the world of news. Currently, I work as a freelance writer and editor, always seeking new opportunities to tell compelling stories in the field of world news.
