German-Israeli relations under test: Berlin’s stance on the Palestinian issue

It seemed like a routine move between friendly governments when Chancellor Scholz wrote to congratulate new Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on taking office. “For future tasks I wish you success. Israel and Germany are connected by a particularly close friendship, we will continue to cultivate this basis of cooperation in the future.” Among the “future tasks” in the sense of the Israeli government’s guidelines are, for example, the continued expansion of Jewish settlements even in Palestinian areas needed for the creation of a future independent state. Which would make it practically impossible. A spokesman for Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas called the Israeli guidelines a “dangerous escalation” that will have consequences for the region.

Miriel Asseburg, a Middle East expert at the Berlin-based Science and Policy Foundation, told DW that “this is not just about speeding up settlement construction by displacing the Palestinian population, but … the transition from a temporary, military possession of a permanent, political control of the West Bank”.

In the government agreement the goal of the two independent states

But what about the goal of two independent states, one Israeli and one Palestinian? He is supported, among others, by the USA, the EU and therefore also Germany. In fact, it is a position that exists in the government agreement of 2021, on which the three-party coalition under Chancellor Soltz is based. It states that “we will continue to work for a negotiated solution on the basis of two independent countries with reference to the 1967 borders”, and, “we demand an end to the settlement policy, which is contrary to international law”. Which means that the German government could be involved in a huge conflict with the Israeli government if it persists in its goals. But when asked by DW at a government briefing shortly after Netanyahu took office what implications this would have for the chancellery and the foreign ministry, deputy government spokeswoman Christiane Hoffmann responded evasively.

“The two independent states solution is the right way to move the Middle East process forward, but first of all we have to strengthen our relations with the new government, and we see that there is a good basis for that.” Respecting its historical responsibility for the Holocaust, the German government has traditionally commented on minimal aspects of Israeli policy. For decades it seemed inconceivable that the two countries could ever come closer. The noted Israeli author Amos Oz, who himself lost many family members in the Shoah, once summed up the special bond between the two countries by quoting his mother: “If the Germans don’t forgive themselves, then maybe we will.” a little someday. But if they forgive themselves, then we won’t forgive them.” When conflicts with German ideas arise, Berlin usually keeps a low profile and, if necessary, looks for a way through the EU. So far, the German government has also shown restraint regarding the statements of two radical ministers in the Israeli coalition government, Minister National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir from the “Jewish Power” party and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich from the “Religious Zionism” party.

Both reject a Palestinian state in principle and favor expanding Israeli occupation of the West Bank. Ben-Gvir even called in 2019 for the deportation of all Palestinians with Israeli citizenship “who are not loyal to Israel”. Until 3 years ago, a portrait of Baruch Goldstein, a radical American Israeli settler, who in 1994 killed 29 Palestinians in Hebron during morning prayer, hung in his living room. Bezalel Smotrich in 2017 drew up a “subjugation plan” aimed at “extinguishing all hope of the Palestinians”. But also in other areas he showed extreme positions, such as the declaration that he is a “proud homophobe”.

“State with unequal rights”

What was the reaction to all this from Berlin? None. That changed when Ben-Gvir recently visited the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, which is a holy site for both Jews and Muslims. The Palestinians, but also Arab and Western countries protested strongly. Even the US looked annoyed. A day later the German foreign ministry spokesman said the visit was a “challenge”. Miriel Aschenburg assesses the German government’s reaction as follows: “Individual convictions in an otherwise wait-and-see attitude … is not a goal-oriented policy.” Instead of a “continuous appeal for a two-state solution,” the German government should first “state clearly what is happening”. “We are dealing with a reality of a state with unequal rights, with a permanent occupation and the transition from de facto annexation to legal annexation. We are also dealing with an Israeli government with which we share few values.”

But Gabriela Heinrich, SPD MP, also expresses her concern. He belongs to Chancellor Soltz’s party and is chairman of the Germany-Israel Friendship Parliamentary Group, which fosters mutual dialogue and regularly brings members of the Bundestag into contact with the Israeli Knesset. “It is worrying that far-right and ultra-Orthodox forces are involved in the government,” he tells Deutsche Welle. But he also says he’s hopeful the worst fears won’t come true. “It remains to be seen how the new Israeli government will behave when it takes office and the dust settles from the election campaign. Benjamin Netanyahu will be judged by his declaration that he is the head of government of all Israelis. This includes the large number of those who criticize settlement construction. My hopes are also placed in civil society and critical public opinion.” Meanwhile, almost a month after being sworn in, the Israeli government loses its first member. Netanyahu was forced to fire Interior Minister Arian Deri, head of the ultra-Orthodox Shas party, following a Supreme Court order over tax fraud. The rift between the highest judiciary and the new government seems to be widening.

Pressure on the Palestinian Authority for elections

Because of the historical guilt of the Holocaust, however, German governments have traditionally interfered little in Israeli politics. Berlin usually keeps a low profile. “And that will change little now,” believes Israeli historian Moshe Zimmerman. After Netanyahu’s inauguration, he told German Radio Deutschlandfunk that the two-state solution is only a “stereotype phrase” for Berlin and also for the EU. “Using the phrase is not a solution. One uses the phrase to show that they want to do something in practice, but in reality they do nothing, they leave the Palestinians alone.” Zimmerman believes that only by treating Israel like Poland, Hungary or Belarus can it work. “But of course Germany or Europe do not allow themselves to do that because they are always afraid of being accused of anti-Semitism.”

On the other hand, Ron Prossor, Israel’s ambassador to Germany, sees an attitude of two measures and two stations in the behavior of many politicians. Speaking to Berlin’s Tagesspiegel newspaper, he said politicians like to call for a two-state solution. “On the one hand, they want a Jewish democratic state, but on the other hand, do they also demand a democratic Palestinian state? The answer is no. A functioning constitutional state should be the minimum demand from the Palestinians. Only in this way can peace be achieved.” But Miriel Aschenburg also accuses the Palestinian Authority of ruling more and more autocratically. “The social contract between it and the people has long since broken down … it is not possible to stabilize the situation without renewing its legitimacy. That is why the German government should pressure the Palestinian leadership to go to elections based on reconciliation and power sharing.”

DW

Read the News today and get the latest news.
Follow Skai.gr on Google News and be the first to know all the news.