Anticipating elections is the only way out of the crisis, and Peru needs Brazil, says ambassador

The Peruvian ambassador to Brazil, Rómulo Acurio, sees early elections as the only “democratic and viable” way out of his country’s structural political crisis. In an interview with Sheetthe diplomat asks Brazil and other countries in the region to support the call for a presidential election and act to prevent what he calls authoritarian solutions from flourishing.

“Peru needs the support of the international community and neighboring countries to move towards that only democratic and viable way out: general elections as soon as possible”, he says.

The crisis in the country gained the status of a convulsion after the dismissal and arrest of Pedro Castillo, who tried to carry out a coup d’état on December 7th. The new president, Dina Boluarte, has proposed bringing forward the general election from 2026 to April 2024, but the measure has not yet been confirmed by Parliament – ​​and it has not been enough to contain the wave of violent protests that hit the Peruvian streets.

So far, there are more than 50 dead in the demonstrations, which call for the dissolution of the Legislative and the departure of Dina, called a traitor. This week, she again asked for a truce in the acts and urged congressmen to approve the postponement of the election. According to Acurio, this is “materially possible”, but the decision rests with Parliament.

Is there a prospect of a solution to the crisis? At this point there are two possible ways out. The first is authoritarian and unconstitutional, implying solutions that would increase polarization and violence. On the other hand, there is the democratic and peaceful solution: the organization of elections as soon as possible.

Part of the demonstrators defends Dina’s resignation. It is possible to distinguish three groups of protesters. One of Peruvians who protest against social, cultural and economic exclusion and the fact that they have not benefited from the economic growth of recent years.

A second group has political purposes, such as the resignation of the president, the dissolution of Congress and the convening of a Constituent Assembly. These three proposals are not politically viable, because they require complex processes, which would increase polarization. There is still a third group, which is seeking an authoritarian way out. It also involves informal or illegal organizations that want to keep their businesses out of state control.

The government has already proposed bringing forward the elections to April 2024. Is there a possibility of a new advance, still for 2023? I understand that it is materially possible, but it is a decision that only Congress can make. The House will meet on February 15 to evaluate.

The Dina government has received much criticism for police repression and violence. Were there abuses? The death of more than 50 Peruvians is a tragedy. The State and the government know that they have an obligation to investigate and severely punish all abuses and excesses that may have been committed. It is the commitment they have with citizens and the international community.

The government was slow to admit these abuses. It was a mistake? It was something recognized from the beginning, and today there is full awareness that Peru has a duty to give guarantees to Peruvians and the international community that it will respect human rights in the acts and severely punish those who commit abuses.

A survey indicated that Dina has a 71% disapproval rate. Does the government have a legitimacy problem? Is it possible to stay in power with that level of rejection? There may be a problem with popularity, but not with legitimacy. Dina took over because she had to, after Castillo’s coup d’état. She has already announced that she will step down in April 2024 or sooner, as soon as the new president is elected. The end of her mandate is clearly established, it is a transitional government.

After Castillo’s ousting, President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (PT) declared the process constitutional. How do you assess Brazil’s position? We respect the position adopted by the government of Brazil and President Lula. We appreciate and appreciate that he has recognized the constitutional transition that has taken place and his willingness to support the only viable and democratic way out, which is presidential elections as soon as possible. This is the position that Brazil supports with Peru and the international community.

What can Brazil and other countries in the region do, in the view of the Peruvian government? Peru needs the support of the international community and neighboring countries to move towards this only democratic and viable solution. Peruvians and Peru need the support of governments and movements of the democratic left in Latin America to move towards this solution.

We also need them to denounce and fight the authoritarian solutions that are being considered by different actors. Peru needs all governments in Latin America —whatever their political preference— to support the democratic exit from elections and alternation [de poder] in the country.

What international forums could address the crisis? Peru wants to contribute to the reconstruction of South American integration and wants to do this on a pragmatic basis and with respect for political diversity. He believes that there are priorities in terms of cooperation in health, energy, food security and certainly in terms of the environment and the sustainable development of the Amazon, on which it is essential to work at Unasur [União de Nações Sul-Americanas] or whatever is constituted at the South American level; and, of course, in ACTO [Organização do Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica]. In this sense, Peru expects much from close cooperation with Brazil for the reconstruction, in diversity, of South American integration.

Isn’t there a risk of Unasur becoming a kind of club for left-wing governments? Peru fully supports the reconstruction of South American integration and supports the leadership of Brazil and President Lula in this regard. Peru was a central actor in the construction of Unasur two decades ago and wants to be so again. It seems to us, however, that for this it is necessary to learn from the lessons of the past.

This implies, on the one hand, establishing a pragmatic agenda that interests all governments, whatever their tendency. An integration scheme that is not bureaucratic and that thinks in the long term, that contemplates and respects the inevitable political alternation that will occur in different countries.

In a recent statement, Lula and Argentina’s Alberto Fernández said they were concerned about Castillo’s long-term preventive detention. Does the government recognize that this is a problem? The preventive detention of the former president is an autonomous decision, established by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, in light of the accusations of rebellion and corruption brought against him. The Executive has no interference in the administration of the Judiciary or in the terms of the preventive detention that Castillo is serving. He is in prison facilities that guarantee full respect for his rights as a citizen and his dignity.

Part of the history of political instability in Peru involves the Odebrecht and Lava Jato scandal. Does Brazil have any responsibility for this almost permanent crisis process? Peruvian instability is paradoxical, because it occurs in a period of democracy, growth and macroeconomic stability. It is evident that the Lava Jato period had a very big impact in Peru. It left very visible the level of corporate and state corruption reached in the country. On the other hand, it strengthened institutions for the fight against corruption, in particular the Public Prosecutor’s Office.

This explains why in Peru, unlike in other countries, the Public Ministry has been able to prosecute and in some cases arrest several former presidents. This situation is paradoxical because it implies both a high level of corruption and a high level of state control.

X-ray | Romulo Acurio, 57

Graduated in international relations from the Diplomatic School of Peru, he holds a master’s degree in philosophy from the University of Paris 1 – Sorbonne and in public administration from the Kennedy School of Harvard University. A career diplomat, he has served in Paris, Rome, Vienna, Dubai and Santiago and has been ambassador to Brazil since 2022.