The government-anti-conflict is still raging in Serbia. Now the government – and the church – are also turning to intellectuals who oppose President Vucic.

For about ten months hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets in almost all the cities of Serbia, demanding new elections and fighting extensive corruption. And the fact that the right -wing populist President Vucic seems to hinder the clarification of the NOVI Sad Nobi case by justice, creates an even more tense inhosphere. The demonstrations, in which students and academics are being pioneered, are expanding them.

The Orthodox Church on the side of Vucic

Anyone who publicly supports students, however, is usually threatened with persecution. The special thing in Milicevic’s case, however, is that the leadership of the powerful Serbian Orthodox Church itself is against him – thus appearing virtually President Vucic. When it comes to the oppression of the government’s disagreement, Patriarch Porphyrios and President Vucic often work together closely.

This is something that Milicevic has long complained: “It is not a protection of public interest, but to protect the interests of corrupt elites, who have essentially understood Serbia,” he tells DW. And the 64 -year -old Patriarch and some of his close associates, such as Bishop Irion Bulovic of Novi Sad, are part of this elite.

Milicsevic, a ordinary priest and father of four, had caught his eyes with various public placements. When a few years ago there was a rise in Koronovi in ​​Serbia, Milicevic had criticized – according to his – irresponsible attitude of the ecclesiastical leadership during the functions. Many bishops, the then Patriarch Ireneos, many priests and faithful eventually died of coronovation.

Milicsevic’s criticism was not liked – and no longer has the right to work. He is currently being tried by an ecclesiastical court, responsible for settlement of diamonds within the community. There are bishops and priests, while Patriarch Porphyrios is chaired. If it is considered “guilty”, it is threatened with a derogation.

Milicsevic doesn’t put it down

Nevertheless, Militsevic is not afraid. Speaking to DW, she also expresses the request to be held accountable for her ecclesiastical leadership for her actions – such as her submission to the government. The theologian also insists that investigations should be done on both public resources embraces and violations of clergy against Christian ethics.

A similar attitude is adopted by the – also theologian, but not a priest – Blagoga Pandelic, editor of the most influential theological website of the Balkans, Theologia.net – critical articles are still published on this site. Pandelic would also like to do a doctorate about theology. But because he also supports the student demonstrations, his ecclesiastical leadership has already made it clear that this is not going to happen.

Patriarch Porphyrios against Pandelic

Speaking to DW, Patriarch Porphyrios accuses Pandelic of being put to the service of the regime, a “unacceptable” fact, as he says. Pandelic, for his part, criticizes Porphyrius and Ironi’s visit to Moscow last April. While the Russian army, with the blessings of Patriarch Cyril, has invaded Ukraine and still continues the deadly attacks in many areas, Serbian visitors go to the Kremlin and joking with President Putin.

It seems that they also denounced the demonstrations in Serbia as a “color revolution” motivated by the West – a term that mainly describes peaceful changes in regimes in post -socialist countries.

“The measures against Milicevic and Pandelic must be evaluated in a context of the theological discourse,” says theologian Thomas Bremer, one of the most recognized experts in Orthodox Christianity in Europe. But theological discussions are also held outside the framework of the Church. “And to prevent it completely, this is impossible,” Bremer adds.

Porphyrius’ close relationship with President Vucic is intensely opposed to the attitude of some of his predecessors. Patriarch Paul (1990–2009), for example, despite the enormous difficulties faced by Serbia in the 1990s, never tied to the chariot of nationalist Slobodan Milosevic.

If the protest movement in today’s Serbia manages to overthrow the regime, the observers expect that the executives who support Vucic will be called upon to be held accountable – whether they belong to the army, secret services or the Church.

Curated by: George Passas