When the occupation of Afghanistan ended in August 2021, President Joe Biden made it clear that the military reorganization would serve to focus on bigger challenges, citing competition with China. Russia then gained a secondary mention. For a hundred days ago, Vladimir Putin’s action in Ukraine forced a new rearrangement of focus in American foreign policy.
The Cold War 2.0 with Beijing continues, but Washington’s support for Kiev has had few parallels in recent US history. The country has already approved more than $54 billion in military hardware and other aid, while spearheading efforts to convince other governments to stand against Moscow. Biden also announced several rounds of sanctions, which he called the toughest ever.
At the same time, the president seeks to make it clear that he does not want a direct conflict with Russia — a Third World War, in other words. This week, he repeated that he did not intend to deploy US troops, nor would he try to overthrow Putin or attack Russia, but he said he would stick to the strategy of sending cutting-edge weapons to Kiev and trying to stifle the Russian economy.
The American effort is marked by symbolic gestures. In Washington, the colors of the Ukrainian flag are displayed on facades, and blue and yellow tulips have been planted in the garden in front of the White House. In March, Biden went to Poland, a few kilometers from the front. First Lady Jill was in a Ukrainian city on Mother’s Day. And Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky delivered a video address to the US Congress, a rare occasion when the plenary has stopped to listen to a foreign leader.
In times of internal polarization, the war gave Biden a clear enemy and a cause to try to unite Americans and the international community, but the outcome was mixed. He brought the US closer to Europe, but he distanced himself even further from China. In domestic politics, he even had Republican support for defending Ukraine, but he sees the bitter stalemate continuing on issues such as gun control — and his popularity remains stagnant.
Americans and Europeans announced several joint measures against Russia and in support of Ukraine, and Biden welcomed the expansion of NATO, the military alliance that the US leads, with the accession process of Sweden and Finland. The Democrat also had the chance to show the American resumption of multilateralism — under Donald Trump, the country reduced its presence in forums and treaties such as the Paris Agreement and turned to unilateral actions, such as the trade war with China, instead of trying to the mediation of bodies such as the WTO.
US pressure on Russia also came in international arenas, especially within the UN. Moscow has veto power in the Security Council, but Washington has sought symbolic victories, such as the General Assembly’s condemnation of the invasion, passed by 141 votes in March, to demonstrate Putin’s isolation. Brazil voted in favor of the resolution and received American praise for it.
In this context, Russia can still count on powers such as China and India, which sometimes adopt neutrality in the United Nations forums, sometimes criticize Western sanctions. The Russian economy keeps on going by leaps and bounds, and the ruble has appreciated by 15% in the last two months. One reason is that even Europe continues to buy oil and gas from Moscow — a partial embargo, to be implemented in the coming months, was agreed this week.
With the weight of the war on the global economy, for the American public Biden began to use Russia as a kind of scapegoat for inflation, his main economic problem. Even in official communiqués the issue came to be called “Putin hike prices”, Putin’s price hike, while the opposition prefers to speak of “Bidenflation”.
“Because of Putin’s war, less oil comes to market, and reduced supply drives up prices at the pump for Americans,” the White House said in an announcement of measures against rising prices. Still, Biden acknowledges that some of the difficulties are a reflection of US sanctions themselves — so he seeks to convince Americans that “freedom is not free.”
A poll by The Washington Post and ABC News at the end of April showed that 80% of Americans fear that the Ukrainian War could spread to other European countries and that American forces would end up getting involved — and 70% fear that sanctions could continue to put pressure on US prices.
Between diplomatic gaffes, international efforts to unite and internal challenges, Biden’s approval did not leave the 40% mark. The index, which has remained below 50% precisely since the chaotic exit of US troops from Afghanistan, threatens Democratic performance in the midterms, elections that in November will renew part of Congress and could end the narrow pro-government majority.
The defense of Ukraine is one of Biden’s only initiatives to garner bipartisan support. Until here. In May, when Congress approved sending another $40 billion in military equipment and other aid to Kiev, the Senate’s score was 86 for and 11 against — all Republicans.
The party has ex-President Donald Trump, still of wide influence, one of the main critics of aid to the Eastern European country. “If the US has $40 billion to send to Ukraine, we should be able to do whatever it takes to keep our children safe,” Trump said in a speech last week in which he commented on a school shooting. from Texas.
“We have spent trillions in Iraq and Afghanistan and have achieved nothing. Before building nations in the rest of the world, we must build safe schools in our country,” he added, seeking to resume the isolationist tone that marked his government – and that the Ukrainian War has had. helped to undo.
