The same crowds that took to the streets three years ago calling for a total reform of Chile’s economic and political models are going to the polls this Sunday (4) to test the effect of the demonstrations.
The moods around the plebiscite that will decide whether the Constitution proposed to replace the one instituted in the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1915-2006) are different from those of the acts that boiled the Chilean streets in 2019. Now, the numbers of the main polls show a country more concerned about the economic situation and inflation of 13.1% per year, with a 30% increase in reports of episodes of violence and the social impacts of the coronavirus pandemic.
This is the background behind the numerical advantage of those who intend to vote against the new Charter (46%) over those who approve the new text (37%) —17% of Chileans are still undecided, according to the latest surveys.
The proposal was drafted by a Constituent Assembly elected in 2021 as a result of an agreement between the various political forces to calm the streets. The call for a new Charter to bury Pinochet’s legacy comes from popular pressure for changes mainly in the Social Security system, but also in terms of access to rights such as public education and health.
The text was written by 155 legislators, most of them independent, from an assembly with gender parity and the participation of 17 representatives of indigenous nations. The descendant population of peoples originating in Chile is 12.8%, but the current Constitution, enacted during the military dictatorship (1973-1990), does not recognize the existence of this slice of Chileans.
On Sunday, voting will be mandatory in the “exit plebiscite”, as the vote became known. The results should be released a few hours after the polls close.
If the “no” wins, as official polls indicate, President Gabriel Boric and Congress have already signed a plan B to proceed with negotiations in order to establish parameters for writing a new Charter and making it more viable in terms of approval. . The leftist leader defends the approval of the current proposal and made it one of the pillars of his election campaign last year.
“I want to live in a different country, where my grandfather has a decent pension and I don’t have to go out of college in debt,” Heraldo Hales, 21, told Sheetduring the act in favor of Approval that brought together thousands of people in downtown Santiago on Thursday night (1st).
In the concentration of those who support the Reject, Taís Ercila, 35, said that the constituents did not listen to the citizens. “They made a Charter combining pamphleteering and activism. We want it to start all over again, with the citizen being listened to first.”
Among the points considered controversial in the new Constitution are the affirmation that Chile would become a plurinational state, recognizing indigenous autonomy over its territory, the approval of an abortion law that takes into account only the will of the woman, and expanded protection. of the environment, which displeases the interests of the mining sector.
The text has 388 articles and 11 chapters and, despite its size, it became a hit at kiosks and newsstands across the country, where it is disputed as if it were a best seller.
Among the clauses there are also those that define Chile as a “State of law, with representative democracy reinforced with direct democracy modalities”, which means that there is a possibility that there will be more popular consultations regarding sensitive issues.
The Charter also institutes what it calls the “ecological state”, assuming a commitment to contain climate change and the advancement of agribusiness and mining ventures in areas of water sources, glaciers or inhabited by indigenous peoples.
There are also radical political changes. If the new text is approved, the Senate will be abolished and replaced by a Chamber with greater regional representation. This subject, also polarizing, is a complaint against the centralization of the country’s administration in Santiago and against the fact that Chile is not a federation, which weakens the participation of the regions in the national government.
“The Chilean experience of rewriting the Constitution can be a global lesson in direct democracy, for better or for worse”, says analyst Anders Beal, from the Wilson Center (USA).
For him, even with the defeat of the “yes”, the whole process has two important sides. At the same time that it shows the power of popular mobilization to interfere in politics in a way that goes beyond the actions of traditional parties, it can frustrate the expectations of Chileans. “This experience is a long process, and the economic crisis can undermine people’s patience.”
It is not the first time that attempts have been made to bury the Constitution associated with Pinochet. In 2005, during the administration of socialist Ricardo Lagos, more authoritarian articles of the Charter were modified or eliminated, especially those related to the interference of the Armed Forces in politics.
In the government of Michelle Bachelet, there was more than one attempt to approve the formation of a Constituent Assembly, fought by representatives of the right in Congress. Even so, the former president, who is now engaged in the “yes” campaign, managed to make reforms by creating partial gratuity for university education and social benefits offered by the state.
In recent weeks, there have been demonstrations by supporters of both sides in various parts of the country. Some incidents have occurred. In Valparaíso, on a stage set up by the Aprova campaign, a performance by a pro-diversity group called Los Indetectables caused both rejection and controversy. In it, a protester pulled a Chilean flag from his anus. Already on the outskirts of Santiago, a group of supporters of the “no”, who were riding horses, ran over cyclists who defended the “yes”.
