Although it is closely associated with the military dictatorship, as it was promulgated by Augusto Pinochet, the Constitution in force today in Chile has received a series of amendments over time and is also signed, for example, by Ricardo Lagos, who ruled between 2000 and 2006.
The Socialist government made more than 50 changes to the text, reducing the presence of the military and giving Congress more powers. Lagos is now a supporter of a new Charter, but considers that the Constituent Assembly responsible for the proposal put to the plebiscite last week did not listen to the citizens and produced a partial and ideologized text.
The former president, 84, spoke to Sheet in his office, in Santiago, to comment on the results of the popular consultation, which rejected the new text by capital 62% of the votes, and the impacts on the government of the leftist Gabriel Boric – who in the following days has already promoted a ministerial reform towards the center .
After the 2020 referendum, which approved the wording of the new Constitution, Mr. told Folha that the process could be exemplary for Latin America. Then he criticized him. What has changed? As with any long process, there were not only advances, but also setbacks, setbacks and mistakes. The initial idea was that everything would happen in the previous administration, of Sebastián Piñera. With that alone, we would already have a different referendum. There was a postponement of the election for the constituents due to the pandemic and, with that, a delay in the beginning of the works.
Thus, the vote now, six months after the beginning of Boric’s administration, ended up being a plebiscite on his government – ​​which has just begun and has many difficulties. It was inevitable that people would vote with a view to a trial of Boric, not just evaluating the contents of the Charter.
But if the brand new one that is written now goes to the vote in a year, don’t you believe that people will vote also thinking about judging the government? Yes, and that’s why Boric needs to change. If you want to see a new text approved, you need to have one eye on the negotiations of the new constitutional process and another focused on the administration, on strengthening public policies that respond to the complaints of those who feel that their lives are worse. He cannot wait for a new Charter to rule.
The president will now be much more demanding and needs to carry out the necessary reforms, such as the tax, so that the state has more resources for these demands. And he will have to very skillfully negotiate the forwarding of the next process. It is time to show leadership, to understand that it has a complex country to manage and that the improvements of recent decades have made it even more complex.
Because? When I go to poor neighborhoods today, I often meet people who have benefited from the housing programs under my tenure. They tell me: “President, you gave me a house, but you don’t have space to park your car”. I reply: “And at that time you thought you would have a car one day?” The person answers no and I say I don’t either. The population with more resources, which is Chile today compared to 20 years ago, also demands more rights. And this is natural, the government needs to respond to these demands. That’s how a country is made.
Was the Constituent Assembly wrong? Yes, because you didn’t listen to Boric. Soon after being elected, he went to the Constituent Assembly and said he didn’t want them to make a party charter. And what was done? A party card. They thought that, by having two-thirds of the Assembly to pass a law, they would represent the majority of Chileans, but that was a mistake.
Why so much trouble with the concept of plurinationality? This article is wrong. He says that Chile “is a social and democratic State of law. It is plurinational, intellectual and ecological”. I always thought that there were three words missing: “in its origin”. Because 200 years ago we expelled the Spaniards and decided that all the peoples who were here would found a sovereign State.
It is true that in the beginning we were many, but from that moment on we became a nation. This does not mean that the rights of these native peoples should not be included in the new text, but taking into account what they need. Today, 60% of the Mapuche live in large cities; it is necessary to attend to these Mapuche, not those of 200 years ago. In Araucania, where most of them are located, the rejection rate was 74%. So something went wrong there.
Mr. advocated the creation of a committee of experts to help with the process. How would it be? The great advantage is that the new Charter will not start from scratch. There are many redeemable aspects of what was rejected: those linked to social rights, the defense of minorities, gender equality, the defense of the environment. Boric could choose a committee that, while political negotiation is taking place, is already studying and writing a draft, so that new legislators can start working with a base. It would be so much easier.
What impact will the result have on the region? The president of Colombia said that Pinochetism was back. In a month, there will be elections in Brazil. [Gustavo] Petro was wrong. I believe that we have a problem of dialogue between the countries of the region today. When I was president, I spoke on the phone two, three times a week with others in the region. In the case of Brazil, my dialogue was first with FHC, then with Lula, always with cordiality and openness. That no longer exists. Presidents do not talk, they make policies through social networks, often with electoral rhetoric.
Latin America needs another method of integration. In foreign policy, it is not worth much that we are debating who are the reddest, the greenest or whatever the political color. It is necessary to tune the interests and dialogue more. Petro wants to establish peace in Colombia and from there look to the world. It seems like a good starting point, but does he not want to talk more with the president of Mexico, with the president of Brazil, with the president of Chile? We all have problems related to security and drug trafficking.
Mexico and Brazil, given the profile of their leaders, are oblivious to this, aren’t they? Surely. I have respect and admiration for [Andrés Manuel] López Obrador, but when he says he won’t leave Mexico while he’s president, and he almost didn’t, it seems to me to be a mistake. AND [Jair] Bolsonaro, with this ideological rhetoric of not dialoguing with governments on the left, does not help at all. We are here in Chile very attentive to Brazil. I am sure that if Lula wins, there will be more exchange and interest in regional integration. But I don’t want to interfere in Brazil’s affairs either.
what mr. take away from this Chilean process? I am very proud to have seen institutionality at work. Chile was the usual country: we went to vote with great differences, but an hour and a half later, we had the result and no one came out complaining that it could be wrong or talking about fraud. We went to sleep, some happy because they won, others sad because they lost. This is how a republican democracy must be.
How did you see the attack on Cristina Kirchner in Argentina? Is polarization in Latin America reaching a level where we can expect more episodes of violence? We cannot have such extreme polarizations. Other episodes like this can occur due to this environment of political confrontation — and they are unacceptable. We need to rescue a more democratic conduct and dialogue and condemn acts of violence in a forceful way. To be silent or to relativize the gravity of this episode is to be an accomplice. Not listening to people and not wanting to understand why they are angry is very dangerous.
x-ray | Ricardo Lagos, 84
Chile’s first socialist president after Salvador Allende (1908-1973), who was deposed by the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, ruled from 2000 to 2006. Lawyer and economist, announced his candidacy for the 2017 elections, but withdrew shortly after due to lack of support within your coalition.
With a wealth of experience honed over 4+ years in journalism, I bring a seasoned voice to the world of news. Currently, I work as a freelance writer and editor, always seeking new opportunities to tell compelling stories in the field of world news.
