After Pedro Castillo’s failed coup d’état attempt and the inauguration of Peru’s vice president, Dina Boluarte, an avalanche of social unrest swept the Andean country. What’s happening? To understand this, it is necessary to look at the secondary characters in this story and understand the interests behind the constituent movement.
A constituent movement is formed by all those who contribute with ideas, mobilize resources and take actions in an organized way to promote a new Constitution or a new social pact. Currently, this constituent impulse is populated by a group of politicians without a legalistic vocation. Let’s remember that, when giving his failed coup, Castillo announced that, in addition to reforming and closing powers such as the Legislature, he would convene a Constituent Assembly. But to understand this, we have to go back in time.
On the political level, there was, from the beginning, a conflicted and violent group led by former Prime Minister Torres, who already pointed out, before taking office in June 2021, that “if they are trying a coup, there will be a lot of bloodshed, but they will not succeed”. These do not seem like causal statements. However, to these political groups is added the component of groups linked to mining and other informal businesses that also had influence over the government. In fact, the forces driving the return of Pedro Castillo are carrying out coordinated and simultaneous blockades, and have taken over strategic points in the country, such as airports, dams and power plants.
In addition, some questionable groups such as informal mining and drug trafficking were allies of the Pedro Castillo government. This was one of the main shock forces in this conflict, as has already been irrefutably corroborated. Not surprisingly, in the various marches that reached their peak on December 15, mining trucks, which are linked to the illegal sector, appeared across the country.
On the other hand, following due constitutional process, the government was in the hands of Vice President Boluarte. Castillo’s allies, however, do not recognize her as a leader and were the first to mobilize their bases against her. Among them are groups such as Voces del Pueblo, led by Guillermo Bermejo, and Nuevo Perú, led by Verónika Mendoza, who have run for president on numerous occasions.
Both movements showed a selfless insistence on seeking Castillo’s release and reinstatement with immediate general elections, the illegal closure of Congress and, naturally, insisted on the creation of a new Constitution. All this, as part of a conflict that has already caused several deaths.
These movements, along with those who legitimately support the former president and feel represented by him, are generating the perception of a supposed illegitimacy of Boluarte. It should be remembered that one of the main narratives of the Castillo government was to promote the idea that the country was experiencing an antagonistic conflict between the provinces and the capital, and he constantly attacked the national press, accusing them of not allowing him to govern because of of their provincial origins.
This is the story used by the former president’s allies to instrumentalize the conflict and insist on calling for a new Constituent Assembly. It is undeniable that Peru is moving towards the creation of a Constituent Assembly, which will come sooner or later. The question is: who will lead such an institution?
On the other hand, the right-wing and center parties in Congress, which were unable to articulate a consistent discourse, together with a national press that has a centralist view of the country, were unable to press for a consensus to vote in Congress to postpone the elections. Only this can temporarily appease the conflict. And this opens up a controversy: call elections as soon as possible and compromise due process, or call them after key reforms have been made? A difficult decision for an entity that has a lower approval rating than the former president himself.
Taking into account the serious social context and the death toll, it is undeniable that the political forces that make up Congress, which did not vote for the postponement of the elections, have little interest in resolving the conflict. As if that were not enough, a coalition of leftist parties and movements is making the advance of the elections conditional upon the request of a Constituent Assembly. The situation is extremely unstable and, given this situation, the new Executive should have better articulated military deployment to avoid chaos and loss of life.
The widespread conflict over the dominance of the Constituent Assembly and its agenda is the context with respect to a 2023, in which, in theory, the next elections will take place. The insistence and lack of interest in constitutional order suggests that Peru will continue to suffer anti-democratic attacks.
A Constituent Assembly should be considered as an opportunity for a new social pact, rather than a power co-option mechanism. But given this context, it would not be surprising the resurgence of violence in the face of the 2023 electoral process, driven by those who intend to control the conditions under which said Assembly will be convened.
With a wealth of experience honed over 4+ years in journalism, I bring a seasoned voice to the world of news. Currently, I work as a freelance writer and editor, always seeking new opportunities to tell compelling stories in the field of world news.
