The city of Jazan, in southwestern Saudi Arabia, is known for its conservatism — this in one of the most conservative countries in the world. It is not surprising, therefore, that the recent performance of a group of dancers, in an imitation of samba, caused a furor and triggered a local investigation.
The dancers took to the streets earlier this month as part of a winter festival program. Covered in feathers, as if they were in a Brazilian sambadrome, they passed through the streets greeting the population. Shaking their shoulders, they clapped their hands on the palms of the children who, hypnotized, followed in their footsteps. They showed belly and legs, in a country where women usually cover their entire bodies.
The images ended up on social media, outraging some sectors of the population. Prince Mohammed bin Nasser, who governs the region, has called for an official investigation to be opened.
The episode highlights the contradictions of the troubled opening process in Saudi Arabia, through which the regime has tried to project an image of moderation — which bothers part of the population. The opening speech, moreover, does not mean the end of repression. An example of these inconsistencies is the fact that the winter festival was promoted by the same prince who, a few days later, in the face of protests, decided to let samba die.
As Saudi Arabia is one of the most closed countries in the world, there is little information about the episode. Authorities in Jazan did not respond to the report’s requests for clarification. Saudis hesitate to speak to the press to avoid reprisals — a silence that applies even to those who live abroad, where the regime can reach. The case of journalist Jamal Khashoggi is iconic, killed and dismembered inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018.
Apparently, Jazan’s dancers were not Brazilian. At least they did not register with the diplomatic representation of Brazil or ask for consular assistance. The Brazilian government was also not involved with the organization of the musical performance. The local press only described the women as “foreigners”, saying they danced samba.
The Saudi openness policy is a survival plan. In recent decades, the monarchy has financed itself by exporting oil — the country has one of the largest known reserves and is one of its main exporters. The world, however, has invested in alternative fuels, and the future without black gold scares the monarchy.
In this context, the regime has tried to improve its image abroad. It wants, among other things, to attract foreigners — so much so that it has recently started to facilitate tourist visas. One of the bets is to reposition Saudi Arabia as a relevant cultural hub, something it never was. The figure behind these plans is Mohammed bin Salman, crown prince and de facto leader of the country.
One of the symbols of this campaign is the recent opening of hundreds of movie theaters, in a country that banned them for 35 years. Last December, at a music festival attended by foreign DJs, thousands of men and women danced together for days in the desert — a scene unthinkable until recently. Saudi Arabia also emptied the institution of the religious police, which roamed the country’s streets chasing anyone who deviated from its ultra-conservative norms.
These changes are particularly pleasing to the country’s young population, today the majority. Of Saudi Arabia’s 35 million people, about two-thirds are under the age of 35.
The opening, however, takes place in fits and starts. If with one hand the regime allows advances, with the other it still punishes harshly. The iconic example of this disagreement is the decision to allow women to drive in the country, one of the historic social demands there. While celebrating the change, in 2018, the monarchy ordered the arrest of those who had fought for decades to advance. The message was that the country could even bring about change, as long as it was in control of what, when and where.
Ali Alahmed, a Saudi activist based in the United States, suggests that the samba episode is an example of how little the regime thought before planning and promoting the Jazan festival. “They didn’t anticipate this kind of backlash. Women were dancing in the streets of a conservative region. If they had thought about it, they wouldn’t have done it.”
He also points out that the opening policy is punctual and does not touch on fundamental issues. The regime still bans, for example, celebrations of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, because its conservative interpretation of Islam discourages anything that might appear to be idolatry. The government also makes religious ceremonies difficult for the Shiite branch, a minority in the country.
“They think that reforming the country means opening a McDonald’s,” he says. “But they don’t allow people to have their rights.”
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